The Winning of the West, Volume 3 The Founding of the Trans-Alleghany Commonwealths, 1784-1790 — A Reader’s Guide

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Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919 Project Gutenberg 2004 Not confirmed
Northwest, Old -- History; West (U.S.) -- History; United States -- Territorial expansion Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 94,272
Reading time 410 min
Text sections 8

This digital edition of The Winning of the West, Volume 3 The Founding of the Trans-Alleghany Commonwealths, 1784-1790 — A Reader’s Guide is described by source-level measurements including 94,272 words, 6 hr 50 min estimated reading time, and 8 detected text sections.

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Theodore Roosevelt's third volume of 'The Winning of the West' covers 1784-1790, focusing on the founding of trans-Alleghany commonwealths. The narrative examines Indian wars, separatist movements, and Spanish intrigues, with a distinctive voice that blends historical analysis with moral reflection on frontier expansion.
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I. THE INRUSH OF SETTLERS, 1784-1787

II. THE INDIAN WARS, 1784-1787

III. THE NAVIGATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI; SEPARATIST MOVEMENTS AND SPANISH INTRIGUES, 1784-1788

IV. THE STATE OF FRANKLIN, 1784-1788

V. KENTUCKY'S STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD, 1784-1790

VI. THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY; OHIO, 1787-1790

VII. THE WAR IN THE NORTHWEST, 1787-1790

VIII. THE SOUTHWEST TERRITORY; TENNESSEE, 1788-1890

THE WINNING OF THE WEST.

THE INRUSH OF SETTLERS, 1784-1787.

At the beginning of 1784 peace was a definite fact, and the United States had become one among the nations of the earth; a nation young and lusty in her youth, but as yet loosely knit, and formidable in promise rather than in actual capacity for performance.

The Western Frontier.

On the western frontier lay vast and fertile vacant spaces; for the Americans had barely passed the threshold of the continent predestined to be the inheritance of their children and children's children. For generations the great feature in the nation's history, next only to the preservation of its national life, was to be its westward growth; and its distinguishing work was to be the settlement of the immense wilderness which stretched across to the Pacific. But before the land could be settled it had to be won.

The valley of the Ohio already belonged to the Americans by right of conquest and of armed possession; it was held by rifle-bearing backwoods farmers, hard and tenacious men, who never lightly yielded what once they had grasped. North and south of the valley lay warlike and powerful Indian confederacies, now at last thoroughly alarmed and angered by the white advance; while behind these warrior tribes, urging them to hostility, and furnishing them the weapons and means wherewith to fight, stood the representatives of two great European nations, both bitterly hostile to the new America, and both anxious to help in every way the red savages who strove to stem the tide of settlement. The close alliance between the soldiers and diplomatic agents of polished old-world powers and the wild and squalid warriors of the wilderness was an alliance against which the American settlers had always to make head in the course of their long march westward. The kings and the peoples of the old world ever showed themselves the inveterate enemies of their blood-kin in the new; they always strove to delay the time when their own race should rise to wellnigh universal supremacy. In mere blind selfishness, or in a spirit of jealousy still blinder, the Europeans refused to regard their kinsmen who had crossed the ocean to found new realms in new continents as entitled to what they had won by their own toil and hardihood. They persisted in treating the bold adventurers who went abroad as having done so simply for the benefit of the men who stayed at home; and they shaped their transatlantic policy in accordance with this idea. The Briton and the Spaniard opposed the American settler precisely as the Frenchman had done before them, in the interest of their own merchants and fur-traders. They endeavored in vain to bar him from the solitudes through which only the Indians roved.

All the ports around the Great Lakes were held by the British; [Footnote: State Dep. MSS., No. 150, vol. ii., March, 1788. Report of Secretary Knox.] their officers, military and civil, still kept possession, administering the government of the scattered French hamlets, and preserving their old-time relations with the Indian tribes, whom they continued to treat as allies or feudatories. To the south and west the Spaniards played the same part. They scornfully refused to heed the boundary established to the southward by the treaty between England and the United States, alleging that the former had ceded what it did not possess. They claimed the land as theirs by right of conquest. The territory which they controlled stretched from Florida along a vaguely defined boundary to the Mississippi, up the east bank of the latter at least to the Chickasaw Bluffs, and thence up the west bank; while the Creeks and Choctaws were under their influence. The Spaniards dreaded and hated the Americans even more than did the British, and they were right; for three fourths of the present territory of the United States then lay within the limits of the Spanish possessions. [Footnote: State Dep. MSS., No. 81, vol. ii., pp. 189, 217. No. 120, vol. ii., June 30, 1786.]

Roosevelt opens this volume with a preface that sets the stakes for the seven years after the Revolutionary War, framing the period as one that would determine whether the United States became 'a mighty nation, or a mere snarl of weak and quarrelsome little commonwealths.' His language is deliberately grand, but the narrative quickly narrows to specific conflicts: the 'stark riflemen' of the frontier, the 'Chickamauga banditti' watching from their eyries, and the 'backwoods Colonel, with the appropriate name of Outlaw.' These details reveal a writer who relishes concrete, almost novelistic description even as he advances a thesis about national union.

The voice is that of a historian who sees himself as a judge of civilizations. Roosevelt explicitly compares the backwoodsmen to Greek colonists, Roman settlers, Cossacks, and Boers, insisting that 'the same standards must be applied.' This comparative frame is not mere ornament; it shapes how he presents violence, as 'birth-pangs' that do not lessen 'the grim and hopeless woe of the race supplanted.' The prose is forceful, sometimes jarring, and never neutral.

A Moral Calculus of Conquest

Roosevelt’s narrative voice is most distinctive when he pauses to justify or contextualize frontier violence. In the excerpt, he writes that the wrongs done to Native peoples 'cannot be blinked,' yet he immediately pivots to the 'results to mankind of what has been achieved.' This rhetorical move—acknowledging harm while subordinating it to a larger historical outcome—recurs throughout the volume. He does not shy from describing atrocities: settlers murdering innocents, a Colonel Outlaw plundering a trader, Indian towns burned. But he frames these as inevitable in a 'wilderness conqueror' paradigm.

The pacing shifts markedly between such moral reflections and the rapid-fire accounts of raids and counter-raids. When describing the Chickamauga, Roosevelt uses verbs of predation: 'watched from their eyries to pounce,' 'harried the settlements far and wide.' The sentences are short, active, and cinematic. Then he steps back to compare the southern Indians' 'well-built log-towns' with the 'shifting, wigwam-villages of the forest-nomads of the north,' a structural observation that explains military strategy. This alternation between ethical commentary and tactical detail gives the prose a distinctive rhythm—part sermon, part after-action report.

The Language of Separatism and Conspiracy

Roosevelt’s treatment of the 'separatist movements and Spanish intrigues' is marked by a vocabulary of moral judgment. He refers to 'corrupt conspiracies between some of the western leaders and various high Spanish officials,' and describes the 'extraordinary little backwoods state of Franklin' as having 'a career unique in our annals.' The word 'extraordinary' here does heavy lifting: it signals both admiration for the settlers' audacity and disapproval of their disloyalty. The narrative voice is that of a Federalist partisan, one who sees the drift toward union as providential but not inevitable.

The pacing in these sections is more deliberate, as Roosevelt untangles diplomatic maneuvers and land claims. He quotes from manuscript sources—letters to Edmund Randolph, Joseph Martin’s correspondence—and weaves them into a story of wavering loyalties. The prose becomes denser, with longer sentences and subordinate clauses that mirror the complexity of the political situation. Yet even here, Roosevelt cannot resist a vivid phrase: the current of history 'eddying and sluggish' but setting toward union. The metaphor of a river, with its connotations of natural force and direction, recurs throughout the volume, reinforcing his deterministic frame.

Pace and the Set-Piece Description

Roosevelt varies his pace dramatically between analytical passages and set-piece descriptions of frontier life. In the excerpt, the description of the 'stark riflemen' who 'gathered for revenge, carrying their long rifles and riding their rough mountain horses' is almost cinematic in its brevity and sensory detail. The phrase 'rough mountain horses' is typical of Roosevelt’s ability to evoke a world in a few words. He uses such compressed images to punctuate longer stretches of political or military analysis.

Another example is his description of the Cherokee council, where they 'deliberated whether they should not abandon their homes and move far out into the western wilderness; but they could not yet make up their minds to leave their beloved mountains.' The repetition of 'they' and the contrast between 'western wilderness' and 'beloved mountains' creates a poignant pause in the narrative. Roosevelt does not dwell on Cherokee perspective—his focus remains on the settlers—but he allows a moment of recognition. These shifts in pace, from rapid-fire action to reflective stillness, are a deliberate narrative strategy. They give the reader breathing room and underscore the human cost of the 'birth-pangs' he describes.

Readers approaching this volume should attend to Roosevelt’s rhetorical choices as much as his facts. His comparative framework—linking American frontiersmen to ancient colonists—is not a neutral scholarly device but a moral argument. The narrative voice shifts between the prophetic and the pragmatic, and the pacing between breathless action and deliberate analysis. These features make the work as much a document of late-nineteenth-century imperial thought as a history of the early republic. For those interested in how historians construct national myths, Roosevelt’s prose offers a revealing case study.

There’s something about Roosevelt’s patient survey of those raw frontier governments that makes you think of other fragile loyalties. Reading his account of separatist whispers and Spanish scheming, I found myself recalling the old Jacobite families, clinging to a cause already lost. Both volumes feel like quiet rooms full of maps and faded letters. The Memoirs of the Jacobites of 1715 and 1745. Volume II. — Reading Companion carries that same ache of history’s unkept promises.

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