Voyages of Samuel De Champlain — Volume 02 — Reading Notes
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THE BENEFITS OF COMMERCE HAVE INDUCED SEVERAL PRINCES TO SEEK AN EASIER ROUTE FOR TRAFFIC WITH THE PEOPLE OF THE EAST.--SEVERAL UNSUCCESSFUL VOYAGES.--DETERMINATION OF THE FRENCH FOR THIS PURPOSE.--UNDERTAKING OF SIEUR DE MONTS: HIS COMMISSION AND ITS REVOCATION.--NEW COMMISSION TO SIEUR DE MONTS TO ENABLE HIM TO CONTINUE HIS UNDERTAKING.
The inclinations of men differ according to their varied dispositions; and each one in his calling has his particular end in view. Some aim at gain, some at glory, some at the public weal. The greater number are engaged in trade, and especially that which is transacted on the sea. Hence arise the principal support of the people, the opulence and honor of states. This is what raised ancient Rome to the sovereignty and mastery over the entire world, and the Venetians to a grandeur equal to that of powerful kings. It has in all times caused maritime towns to abound in riches, among which Alexandria and Tyre are distinguished, and numerous others, which fill up the regions of the interior with the objects of beauty and rarity obtained from foreign nations. For this reason, many princes have striven to find a northerly route to China, in order to facilitate commerce with the Orientals, in the belief that this route would be shorter and less dangerous.
In the year 1496, the king of England commissioned John Cabot and his son Sebastian to engage in this search. [1] About the same time, Don Emanuel, king of Portugal, despatched on the same errand Gaspar Cortereal, who returned without attaining his object. Resuming his journeys the year after, he died in the undertaking; as did also his brother Michel, who was prosecuting it perseveringly. [2] In the years 1534 and 1535, Jacques Cartier received a like commission from King Francis I., but was arrested in his course. [3] Six years after, Sieur de Roberval, having renewed it, sent Jean Alfonse of Saintonge farther northward along the coast of Labrador; [4] but he returned as wise as the others. In the years 1576, 1577, and 1578, Sir Martin Frobisher, an Englishman, made three voyages along the northern coasts. Seven years later, Humphrey Gilbert, also an Englishman, set out with five ships, but suffered shipwreck on Sable Island, where three of his vessels were lost. In the same and two following years, John Davis, an Englishman, made three voyages for the same object; penetrating to the 72d degree, as far as a strait which is called at the present day by his name. After him, Captain Georges made also a voyage in 1590, but in consequence of the ice was compelled to return without having made any discovery. [5] The Hollanders, on their part, had no more precise knowledge in the direction of Nova Zembla.
So many voyages and discoveries without result, and attended with so much hardship and expense, have caused us French in late years to attempt a permanent settlement in those lands which we call New France, [6] in the hope of thus realizing more easily this object; since the voyage in search of the desired passage commences on the other side of the ocean, and is made along the coast of this region. [7] These considerations had induced the Marquis de la Roche, in 1598, to take a commission from the king for making a settlement in the above region. With this object, he landed men and supplies on Sable Island; [8] but, as the conditions which had been accorded to him by his Majesty were not fulfilled, he was obliged to abandon his undertaking, and leave his men there. A year after, Captain Chauvin accepted another commission to transport Settlers to the same region; [9] but, as this was shortly after revoked, he prosecuted the matter no farther.
The editor's preface immediately signals that this is not a straightforward reprint. The 1613 edition's complimentary poems are omitted as lacking historical value, and the original two-book division is discarded as 'superfluous and confusing.' Instead, the volume is furnished with a copious index and a note on Hudson's discoveries. Most striking is the technical discussion of Champlain's 1612 map: the needle deflects east in France, so the line marked 'nornordest' represents true north, while the index points west to show variation. This editorial attention to cartographic detail sets the stage for a work where geography and navigation are paramount.
Movement Between Harbor and Shore
The narrative rhythm alternates between the anchored barque and exploratory forays ashore. Repairs, bread-making, and shallop dispatches punctuate the coastal survey. When the shallop returns after a savage's escape, the report of three fathoms of water prompts immediate action: 'We accordingly made haste to repair our barque, and make a supply of bread for fifteen days.' Meanwhile, Sieur de Poutrincourt leads arquebusiers inland, visiting 'little houses' scattered across the fine country. This back-and-forth—shipboard labor, land reconnaissance, then resumed sailing—creates a structural pulse that mirrors the practical challenges of early colonial navigation.
Recurring Images of Abundance and Obstruction
Fish and game appear in hyperbolic plenty: 'there was not a day or night when we did not see and hear pass by our barque more than a thousand porpoises.' Oysters, shell-fish, and game birds are 'very plenty.' Yet this abundance is immediately qualified by physical constraints. The harbor is judged 'an excellent place to erect buildings and lay the foundations of a State, if the harbor were somewhat deeper and the entrance safer.' The conditional 'if' recurs throughout the excerpts—promise checked by practicality. Even the rudder must be repaired before departure, and bread must be baked from reserved flour lest biscuit run out. Abundance is real but never uncomplicated.
Ethnographic Description and Its Limits
Champlain describes Indigenous dwellings as 'large, of a circular shape, and covered with thatch made of grasses or the husks of Indian corn,' with raised beds of little wood pieces and reed mats. He notes olive-colored skin, shell-bead embroidery, and weapons of bows, arrows, and clubs. Yet he candidly admits ignorance of 'their police, government, and belief,' supposing they resemble other savages who 'worship neither the moon nor the sun, nor any thing else, and pray no more than the beasts.' This blunt assessment is tempered by acknowledgment of 'persons in concert with the devil' who sometimes predict accurately. The passage oscillates between careful observation and dismissive generalization, revealing the limits of Champlain's ethnographic framework.
The Editor's Hand: Omissions and Orientations
The preface by Rev. Edmund F. Slafter shapes how the volume is read. He omits the original poems and the two-book division, and adds a 'copious index.' His note on the 1612 map explains that the dial-plate is 'constructed accordingly' for French declination, with the true meridian 'laid down by a strong line on which the degrees of latitude are numbered.' This editorial apparatus foregrounds the technical challenges of early modern cartography. Slafter also inserts a note on Hudson's discoveries 'after the text had been struck off,' suggesting a living document being updated. The reader encounters not Champlain alone, but Champlain filtered through a nineteenth-century scholarly lens that values precision and completeness.
Readers should attend to the interplay between Champlain's first-person observations and the editor's framing. The preface's cartographic discussion rewards careful study, as map orientation directly affects interpretation of routes. The ethnographic passages, while vivid, reflect European assumptions that require contextual reading. This volume is best approached as a layered document: a navigator's log, a colonial prospectus, and a Victorian scholarly edition, each voice contributing to the whole.
There’s something grounding about Champlain’s careful attention to the shorelines he mapped, those patient observations of a world he barely understood. Reading his notes now, I find myself thinking of how Frederick’s own chronicles, however different, carried that same quiet weight of record-keeping. The past feels close in both, almost like a shared, unfinished conversation with strangers we’ve come to know. History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 16 — Themes and Context sits near my chair now, a familiar companion in its own right.
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