Memoirs of Jean François Paul de Gondi, Cardinal de Retz — Volume 4 — Inside the Classic

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Retz, Jean François Paul de Gondi de, 1613-1679 Project Gutenberg 2004 Not confirmed
France -- Court and courtiers; France -- History -- Louis XIV, 1643-1715; Mazarin, Jules, 1602-1661 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 16,310
Reading time 71 min
Text sections 2

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Retz recounts the Parliament's decrees against Mazarin, his own arrest, and the political maneuvering during the Fronde, revealing the tensions between ecclesiastical duty and court intrigue.
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Mazarin had arrived at Sedan; that Marechals de Hoquincourt and de la Ferte were gone to join him with their army to bring him to Court; and that it was high time to oppose his designs. Upon this it was immediately resolved that deputies should be despatched forthwith to the King; that the Cardinal and all his adherents should be declared guilty of high treason; that the common people should be commanded to treat them as such wherever they met them; that his library and all his household goods should be sold, and that 150,000 livres premium should be given to any man who should deliver up the said Cardinal, either dead or alive. Upon this expression all the ecclesiastics retired, for the reason above mentioned.

A new decree was passed on the 2d of January, 1652, wherein it was decided that all the Parliaments of France should be invited to issue their decrees against Mazarin, conformable to the last; that two more councillors should be added to the four sent to guard the rivers and to arm the common people; and that the troops of the Duc d'Orleans should oppose the march of Mazarin.

On the 24th the deputies who had been to Poitiers to remonstrate with the King against the return of the Cardinal, made their report in Parliament, to the effect that his Majesty, after having consulted with the Queen and her Council, returned for answer, that without doubt, when the Parliament issued their late decrees, they did not know that Cardinal Mazarin had made no levy of soldiers but by his Majesty's express orders; that it was he who commanded him to enter France with his troops, and that therefore the King did not resent what the company had done; but that, on the other hand, he did not doubt that when they had heard the circumstances he had just mentioned, and knew, moreover, that Cardinal Mazarin only desired an opportunity to justify himself, they would not fail to give all his subjects an exemplary proof of the obedience they owed to him. The Parliament was highly provoked, and next day resolved to admit no more dukes, peers, nor marshals of France till the Cardinal had left the kingdom.

Mazarin, arriving at Court again, persuaded the King to go to Saumur, though others advised him to march to Guienne against the Prince de Conde, with whom the Duc d'Orleans was now resolved to join forces. The King went from Saumur to Tours, where the Archbishop of Rouen carried complaints to the King, in the name of the bishops there, against the decrees of Parliament relating to the Cardinal.

The Duc d'Orleans complained in Parliament against the inconsistency of their proceedings, and said the King had sent him carte blanche in order to oblige him to consent to the restoration of the Cardinal, but that nothing would ever cause him to do it, nor to act apart from the Parliament. Yet their unaccountable proceedings perplexed him beyond expression, so that he commanded, or rather permitted, M. de Beaufort to put his troops in action. And because I told him that, considering the declarations he had so often repeated against Mazarin, I thought his conduct in setting his troops in motion against him did not add so much to the measure of the disgust he had already given to the Court that he need to apprehend much from it, he gave me for answer these memorable words which I have reflected upon a thousand times: "If you," said he, "had been born a Son of France, an Infante of Spain, a King of Hungary, or a Prince of Pales, you would not talk as you do. You must know that, with us Princes, words go for nothing, but that we never forget actions. By to-morrow noon the Queen would not remember my declarations against the Cardinal if I would admit him tomorrow morning; but if my troops were to fire a musket she would not forgive me though we were to live two thousand years hence."

This volume of the Cardinal de Retz's memoirs opens with the Parliament of Paris in December 1651 passing a series of escalating decrees against Cardinal Mazarin, including a price on his head. Retz notes that he and other ecclesiastics withdrew from the vote on the death penalty, citing canon law. The narrative quickly shifts to Retz's own precarious position: he refuses a lucrative offer from Servien, negotiates with Mazarin from a distance, and is eventually arrested in the Queen's antechamber on December 19. The account of his confinement at Vincennes—a room as big as a church without fire, his belongings pilfered—is rendered with a mixture of indignation and dry humor.

Parliamentary Decrees and Ecclesiastical Boundaries

The opening pages detail the Parliament's resolutions against Mazarin: forbidding governors to give him passage, declaring him guilty of high treason, and offering 150,000 livres for his delivery dead or alive. Retz emphasizes that he and the other spiritual councillors retired each time a vote touched on capital punishment, a ritual that underscores the tension between his clerical role and the violent politics of the Fronde. The councillor who argued that decrees needed musketeers to enforce them is dismissed as talking nonsense—a moment that exposes the gap between parliamentary authority and military reality. Retz's own later refusal to attend the King's Court of Justice to register the declaration of high treason against the Prince de Conde further illustrates how he navigated these boundaries, though the Queen interpreted it as intrigue for the Prince.

Arrest and the Mechanics of Surveillance

Retz's arrest is preceded by a web of surveillance: an officer posted men near Madame de Pommereux's house, another tracked his nighttime visits, and a third carried a signed order to attack him dead or alive. An unknown person warned him not to go to Rambouillet, but he went with two hundred gentlemen, finding the Guards officers respectful. He later blamed himself for this show of force, as it incensed the Court further. The arrest itself is anticlimactic—he ate heartily in the Queen's antechamber, to the mortification of courtiers—but the search of his pockets, which found only a letter from the King of England, is treated with sarcasm. The journey to Vincennes under guard, past Swiss battalions with pikes presented, is described with a cool eye for detail.

Confinement and the Silence of the City

Retz's fortnight at Vincennes is marked by deprivation: no firing in a cavernous room, his linen and apparel stolen, forcing him to lie in bed for days. He notes that the butchers in the veal market were ready to take up arms but held back for fear he would be killed in reprisal. The women wept, the men stood stock-still—a city subdued not by force but by calculation. Retz's tone is wry rather than self-pitying; he observes that the treatment must have been ordered by higher powers. This section reveals how his personal ordeal mirrors the larger paralysis of the Fronde: popular sentiment is present but checked, and the memoirist's voice remains that of a shrewd observer even when describing his own vulnerability.

Readers should attend to the way Retz juxtaposes institutional procedure with personal risk. The Parliament's decrees and his own arrest are both presented as performances—the one legal, the other theatrical—and his commentary often undercuts the gravity of events with a dry aside. The volume offers a concentrated view of how a churchman navigated the factional chaos of the Fronde, where every vote, visit, and sermon carried political weight.

As I closed Retz’s memoirs, with all their cramped intrigues and forced oaths, my thoughts drifted strangely to that old logbook of the Mayflower—its plain daily entries, the salt wind, the patient arithmetic of survival. Both are records of people trapped by politics and weather, yet one breathes suspicion, the other a stubborn, quiet hope. There is something comforting in that contrast, like finding a window in a dark corridor. The Mayflower and Her Log; July 15, 1620-May 6, 1621 — Complete — Reading Companion sits nearby, and I almost hear the creak of beams beside Retz’s candle.

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