The Great Company — A Closer Reading
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The Great Company — A Closer Reading can be approached with a clearer sense of reading commitment from its source measurements: 177,801 words, 12 hr 54 min estimated reading time, and 24 detected text sections.
The text analysis averages about 26.8 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.
Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Northwest, Canadian -- History,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
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Read the Text
no secret.[3] Twice annually, for many years, had vessels anchored at Havre, laden with the skins of fox, marten and beaver, collected and shipped by the Company of the Hundred Associates or their successors in the Quebec monopoly. A feeling was current that England ought by right to have a larger share in this promising traffic, but, it was remarked, "it is not well seen by those cognizant of the extent of the new plantations how this is to be obtained, unless we dislodge the French as we have the Dutch, which his present Majesty would never countenance."
Charles had little reason to be envious of the possession by his neighbour Lewis, of the country known as New France.
[Sidenote: French fur-trade.]
Those tragic and melancholy narratives, the "Relations des Jesuites," had found their way to the English Court. From these it would seem that the terrors of cold, hunger, hardships, and Indian hostility, added to the cost and difficulties of civil government, and the chronic prevalence of official intrigue, were hardly compensated for by the glories of French ascendancy in Canada. The leading spirits of the fur-trade then being prosecuted in the northern wilds, were well aware that they derived their profits from but an infinitesimal portion of the fur-trading territory; the advantages of extension and development were perfectly apparent to them; but the difficulties involved in dealing with the savage tribes, and the dangers attending the establishment of further connections with the remote interior, conspired to make them content with the results attained by the methods then in vogue. The security from rivalry which was guaranteed to them by their monopoly did not fail to increase their aversion to a more active policy. Any efforts, therefore, which were made to extend the French Company's operations were made by Jesuit missionaries, or by individual traders acting without authority.
Such, in brief, was the state of affairs in the year 1666 when two intrepid bushrangers, employees of the old Company,[4] dissatisfied with their prospects under the new _régime_, sought their way out from the depths of the wilderness to Quebec, and there propounded to the Intendant, Jean Talon, a scheme for the extension of the fur-trade to the shores of Hudson's Bay. This enterprising pair saw their project rejected, and as a sequel to this rejection came the inception and establishment of an English association,[5] which subsequently obtained a charter from the King, under the name and title of "The Governor and Company of Merchants-Adventurers trading into Hudson's Bay."
To narrate the causes which first led to the formation of this Company, the contemporary interest it excited, the thrilling adventures of its early servants, of the wars it waged with the French and drove so valiantly to a victorious end; its vicissitudes and gradual growth; the fierce and bloody rivalries it combated and eventually overbore; its notable expeditions of research by land and sea; the character of the vast country it ruled and the Indians inhabiting it; and last but not least, the stirring and romantic experiences contained in the letters and journals of the Great Company's factors and traders for a period of above two centuries--such will be the aim and purpose of this work.
[1] "The great maritime powers of Europe," said Chief Justice Marshall, "discovered and visited different parts of this Continent at nearly the same time. The object was too immense for any of them to grasp the whole; and the claimants were too powerful to submit to the exclusive or unreasonable pretensions of any single potentate. To avoid bloody conflicts, which might terminate disastrously to all, it was necessary for the nations of Europe to establish some principle which all would acknowledge and which would decide their respective rights as between themselves. This principle, suggested by the actual state of things, was, 'that discovery gave title to the Government by whose subjects or by whose authority it was made, against all other European governments, which title might be consummated by possession.'"
[2] "Prince Rupert, we hear, is of no mind to press his Plantation claims until this Dutch warre is over. A Jamaica pattent is spoke of."--_Pleasant Passages_, 1665.
The preface to The Great Company immediately establishes a distinctive framing: Willson presents the Hudson's Bay Company as an “isolated unit” whose annals are “coherent and compact,” contrasting it with the broader “scattered elements” of Canadian history. He notes that the Company did not go forth “with the Bible in its hand,” reversing the usual order of missionary then trader. This opening signals a focus on institutional continuity rather than moral or religious narrative.
Prefatory Claims and Imperial Context
Willson’s preface, addressed to Sir Wilfrid Laurier, describes the Company as “the one enduring pillar in the New World mansion,” surviving “nearly all conditions and all régimes.” The language is deliberately monumental, positioning the Company as a stable force amid European wars and colonial transformations. The author explicitly reverses the typical sequence of missionary, soldier, trader, asserting that in the Company’s case the trader came first. This claim is not elaborated in the preface but sets up a thesis about commercial rather than religious expansion. Readers should note that the preface does not provide evidence for this reversal; it functions as a rhetorical opening rather than a historical argument.
Early Chapters: Governance and Fraud
In the middle excerpts, the narrative shifts to internal Company affairs in the late 1760s and 1770s. The text details clandestine trade by captains, the dismissal of Captain Horner of the Seahorse, and the Company’s response: increasing salaries for chief factors to £130 per annum and offering gratuities based on beaver returns. The language is administrative and precise, recording resolutions and payments. Willson presents these measures as a “wise decision” to curb fraud, but the excerpts do not evaluate their effectiveness. The focus on salaries and gratuities reveals the Company’s reliance on financial incentives rather than moral suasion—a practical approach consistent with the preface’s emphasis on commerce.
Later Excerpts: Exploration and Copper
Later excerpts introduce Samuel Hearne’s missions of discovery, prompted by reports of a “Great River” and copper specimens brought by northern Indians. The narrative here becomes more geographical and exploratory, contrasting with the earlier administrative focus. Willson notes that Hearne was “saluted on his departure from the fort,” a detail that underscores the ceremonial aspect of Company expeditions. The copper mine “long believed” to exist is mentioned without confirmation in the excerpts, leaving the outcome of Hearne’s journeys unclear. This section suggests that the Company’s interests extended beyond trade to territorial knowledge, though the excerpts do not reveal how these discoveries affected Company policy.
Narrative Structure and Source Use
Willson’s method is evident in the juxtaposition of documentary records—Company resolutions, correspondence, and reports—with narrative commentary. The text quotes from the Company’s own records, such as the decision to insure ships in 1770 at five percent premium, and the dismissal of Captain Horner. The authorial voice is present but restrained, often summarizing documents rather than interpreting them. Readers should note that the excerpts do not include footnotes or citations, but the preface acknowledges the work as a compilation of “annals.” The structure moves from broad imperial claims to specific administrative details, then to exploration, suggesting a deliberate progression from context to case studies.
Willson’s history is best approached as a corporate chronicle rather than a general history of Canada. The preface’s grand claims should be weighed against the administrative minutiae of later chapters. Readers may find it useful to track how the Company’s internal governance—salaries, gratuities, fraud prevention—interacts with its exploratory and commercial ambitions. The excerpts offer a narrow but revealing window into a work that balances institutional pride with documentary detail.
Reading the Great Company, I noticed how Willson lingered on careful paperwork — governance as quiet, domestic ritual. That attention to hidden structures reminded me of another editorial voice, one tracing unseen pressures on small lives. Some Conditions of Child Life in England — A Closer Reading felt like the same patient glance turned inward, from boardrooms to nurseries. Both times, I found myself slowing down, listening for what wasn't said.
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