The Women Who Came in the Mayflower — A Reader’s Guide
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There were women with frail bodies, like Rose Standish and Katherine Carver, but there were strong physiques and dauntless hearts sustained to great old age, matrons like Susanna White and Elizabeth Hopkins and young women like Priscilla Mullins, Mary Chilton, Elizabeth Tilley and Constance Hopkins. In our imaginations today, few women correspond to the clinging, fainting figures portrayed by some of the painters of "The Departure" or "The Landing of the Pilgrims." We may more readily believe that most of the women were upright and alert, peering anxiously but courageously into the future. Writing in 1910, John Masefield said: [Footnote: Introduction to Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers (Everyman's Library).] "A generation fond of pleasure, disinclined towards serious thought, and shrinking from hardship, even if it may be swiftly reached, will find it difficult to imagine the temper, courage and manliness of the emigrants who made the first Christian settlement of New England." Ten years ago it would have been as difficult for women of our day to understand adequately the womanliness of the Pilgrim matrons and girls. The anxieties and self-denials experienced by women of all lands during the last five years may help us to "imagine" better the dauntless spirit of these women of New-Plymouth. During those critical months of 1621-1623 they sustained their households and assisted the men in establishing an orderly and religious colony. We may justly affirm that some of "the wisdom, prudence and patience and just and equall carriage of things by the better part" [Footnote: Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation; Bk. II.] was manifested among the women as well as the men.
In spite of the spiritual zeal which comes from devotion to a good cause, and the inspiration of steady work, the women must have suffered from homesickness, as well as from anxiety and illness. They had left in Holland not alone their loved pastor, John Robinson, and their valiant friend, Robert Cushman, but many fathers, mothers, brothers and sisters besides their "dear gossips." Mistress Brewster yearned for her elder son and her daughters, Fear and Patience; Priscilla Mullins and Mary Chilton, soon to be left orphans, had been separated from older brothers and sisters. Disease stalked among them on land and on shipboard like a demon. Before the completion of more than two or three of the one-room, thatched houses, the deaths were multiplying. Possibly this disease was typhus fever; more probably it was a form of infectious pneumonia, due to enervated conditions of the body and to exposures at Cape Cod. Winslow declared, in his account of the expedition on shore, "It blowed and did snow all that day and night and froze withal. Some of our people that are dead took the original of their death there." Had the disease been "galloping consumption," as has been suggested sometimes, it is not probable that many of those "sick unto death" would have recovered and have lived to be octogenarians.
The toll of deaths increased and the illness spread until, at one time, there were only "six or seven sound persons" to minister to the sick and to bury the dead. Fifteen of the twenty-nine women who sailed from England and Holland were buried on Plymouth hillside during the winter and spring. They were: Rose Standish; Elizabeth, wife of Edward Winslow; Mary, wife of Isaac Allerton; Sarah, wife of Francis Eaton; Katherine, wife of Governor John Carver; Alice, wife of John Rigdale; Ann, wife of Edward Fuller; Bridget and Ann Tilley, wives of John and Edward; Alice, wife of John Mullins or Molines; Mrs. James Chilton; Mrs. Christopher Martin; Mrs. Thomas Tinker; possibly Mrs. John Turner, and Ellen More, the orphan ward of Edward Winslow. Nearly twice as many men as women died during those fateful months of 1621. Can we "imagine" the courage required by the few women who remained after this devastation, as the wolves were heard howling in the night, the food supplies were fast disappearing, and the houses of shelter were delayed in completion by "frost and much foul weather," and by the very few men in physical condition to rive timber or to thatch roofs? The common house, twenty foot square, was crowded with the sick, among them Carver and Bradford, who were obliged "to rise in good speed" when the roof caught on fire, and their loaded muskets in rows beside the beds threatened an explosion. [Footnote: Mourt's Relation.]
Annie Russell Marble's The Women Who Came in the Mayflower (1904) opens with a striking contrast: December weather in New England, which today offers 'compensations for the cold winds and storms in the exhilarating winter sports,' versus the experience of the Mayflower's twenty-nine women, who lacked 'compensations of sports or fireside warmth.' This rhetorical move—using present-day comfort to highlight past hardship—sets the tone for a work that is as much about memorial as about history. Marble explicitly states her book is 'intended as a memorial,' not a genealogical study, and she repeatedly acknowledges 'the lack of proof regarding many facts.' The result is a text that oscillates between documented detail and careful speculation, often presenting 'both points of view' or 'the more probable surmises.'
Memorial, Not Genealogy
Marble's foreword establishes a clear boundary: 'There is no attempt to make a genealogical study of any family.' Instead, the book aims to 'reveal glimpses of the communal life during 1621-1623' and offer 'a few silhouettes of individual matrons and maidens.' This framing is important because the catalog subjects—Mayflower (Ship), Massachusetts—History—Colonial period, and Women—Massachusetts—might lead a reader to expect a comprehensive account. In practice, Marble's evidence is fragmentary. She draws on Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation, Winslow's Relation, and records from the Massachusetts Historical Society and Pilgrim Hall, but she often must qualify her statements. For instance, she notes that Susanna White Winslow's life is 'pre-eminent among the colonists' in social position, yet the details of her character come from 'family tradition' rather than contemporary documents. The book's value lies in its transparent handling of these gaps.
Susanna Winslow and the Limits of Evidence
The extended treatment of Susanna (White) Winslow illustrates Marble's method. She reports that Susanna was 'sometimes called Anna, as in her marriage record to William White at Leyden,' and that she was sister to Dr. Samuel Fuller. Marble notes the deaths of two children from Susanna's first marriage, and that she arrived on the Mayflower with her son Resolved, giving birth to Peregrine White at the voyage's end. Yet when describing Susanna's character, Marble relies on 'family tradition' that she was 'a woman of graceful, aristocratic bearing and of strong character.' The most concrete link to Susanna's domestic life comes indirectly: an anecdote about Edward Winslow preparing 'savory broth' for Massasoit, which Marble says 'reflected credit upon the household methods of Mistress Winslow.' This is typical of the book—women's contributions are inferred from men's actions.
The Broader Archival Context
Marble's acknowledgments reveal the archival infrastructure that made her work possible: the Massachusetts Historical Society, the New England Genealogic-Historical Register, the American Antiquarian Society, the Register of Deeds, Pilgrim Hall, and libraries in Plymouth, Duxbury, and Marshfield. She also thanks the Society of Mayflower Descendants and its editor George E. Bowman. This network of institutions and publications—many of them nineteenth-century creations—shaped what evidence was available. Marble's footnotes cite sources like Winslow Memorial (1877), Ancestral Chronological Record of the William White Family (1895), and the Mayflower Descendant journal. The book thus sits at a particular moment in the professionalization of American historical research, when amateur and scholarly efforts overlapped. Readers should note that Marble's 'silhouettes' are products of this specific historiographical moment.
Marble's book is best approached as a document of early twentieth-century historical practice rather than a definitive account of its subjects. The excerpts show a writer carefully navigating between the desire to honor the Mayflower women and the reality of sparse records. Readers interested in the construction of colonial women's history will find Marble's methods—her use of tradition, her presentation of conflicting statements, her reliance on male-authored sources—as revealing as the content itself. The book rewards attention to its footnotes and its framing language.
That rainy afternoon, the Mayflower women felt near enough to touch, their sturdy lives built from so little record. I closed the book feeling their quiet endurance, how they made a home from nothing. Somewhere in that mood, I reached for History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 14 — Themes and Context, and found a similar stubbornness in a man, vast and different, yet oddly familiar.
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