About Ireland — Edition Insights
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icion either of foul play or suicide, and the coroner's jury returned no such verdict as that given in the _Freeman_. The veracious correspondent of that journal stated that the jury found that 'Andrew Kelly came by his death through drowning on the 22nd October while suffering under temporary insanity brought about by fear of eviction.' The following is the verdict which the coroner's jury actually arrived at:--'We find that Andrew Kelly's death was caused by suffocation; that he was found dead in the townland of Clooncriur, on the 24th day of October, 1889.' This is the way in which sensational news is manufactured for the purpose of promoting an anti-landlord crusade and prejudicing the owners of property in the eyes of the country."
"Speaking at Newmarch, near Barnsley, last month, Mr. Waddy drew a heartrending picture of the tyranny practised in Ireland, and illustrated his theme and moved his audience to the execration of Mr. Balfour by the artistic recital of a horrible tale. He declared that a little child had been barbarously sentenced by resident magistrates to a month's imprisonment for throwing a stone at a policeman. Some hard-headed or hard-hearted Yorkshireman, however, would not believe Mr. Waddy offhand, and challenged him to declare names, place, and date. On the 15th of November, Mr. Waddy gave the following particulars in writing. He stated that the magistrates who had imposed the brutal punishment were Mr. Hill and Colonel Bowlby, that the case was tried at Keenagh on the 23rd of April, 1888, that the child's name was Thomas Quin, aged nine, and that the charge was throwing stones at the police.
"The clue thus afforded has been followed up. It is grievous that cool and calculating investigation should spoil a pretty story, but here is the truth.
"On the 20th of April, before Colonel Stewart and Colonel Bowlby, resident magistrates, Thomas Quin, aged 19 years, was convicted of using intimidation towards William Nutley, in consequence of his having done an act which he had a legal right to do--viz., to evict a labourer, Michael Fegan, of Clearis, who refused to work for him. Thomas Quin was sentenced to one month's imprisonment.
"I am quite sure that Mr. Waddy will publicly acknowledge that he played upon the feelings of his hearers with a trumped-up tale of woe, but I wonder whether anything will teach the British political tourist that a great number of my countrymen unfortunately feel a genuine delight in hoaxing them.
"Your obedient servant,
As for the assertion of poverty and inability to pay, so invariably made to excuse defaulting tenants, I will give these two instances to the contrary.
"Writing on behalf of Mr. Balfour to Mr. E. Bannister, of Hyde, Cheshire, Mr. George Wyndham, M.P., recounts a somewhat remarkable circumstance in connection with the position and circumstances of a tenant on Lord Kenmare's estate who declined to pay his rent on the plea of poverty:--'Irish Office, Nov. 28, 1889. Dear Sir,--In reply to your letter of the 22nd inst., I beg to inform you that I have made careful inquiries into the case of Molloy, a tenant on Lord Kenmare's estate. I find that so far from exaggerating the scope of this incident, you somewhat understate the case. The full particulars were as follow:--The estate bailiffs visited the house of Molloy, a tenant who owed £30 rent and arrears. They seized his cows, and then called at his home to ask him if he would redeem them by paying the debt. Molloy stated that he was willing to pay, but that he had only £7 altogether. He handed seven notes to the bailiff, who found that one of them was a £5 note, so that the amount was £11 instead of £7. On being pressed to pay the balance he admitted that he had a small deposit of £20 in the bank, and produced a document which he said was the deposit receipt for this sum. On the bailiff examining this receipt he found it was for £100 and not for £20. On being informed of his mistake, Molloy took back the £100 receipt and produced another, which turned out to be for £40. A further search on his part led to the production of the receipt for £20, with which and £10 in notes he paid the rent. You will observe that this tenant, refusing to pay £30, and obliging his landlord to take steps against him, possessed at the time £171, besides having stock on his land.--Yours faithfully, GEORGE WYNDHAM.'"
E. Lynn Linton opens About Ireland with a frank admission: she once supported Home Rule, swayed by “the seductive charm of sentiment and abstract principle.” Her conversion came after a visit to Ireland, where she claims “the scales fell from my eyes.” The book is structured as a corrective, blending personal narrative with legal and political argument. Linton’s diction is combative—she calls opposing claims “lies” and “mischievous”—and she frequently invokes her own former ignorance to frame her current stance as hard-won knowledge. The text is less a travelogue than a polemic, anchored in specific rebuttals to Home Rule propaganda.
From Sentiment to Sight: Linton’s Rhetorical Journey
Linton frames her entire argument as a conversion narrative. She describes her earlier self as “a blind and believing follower” who committed “the mistakes inevitable to all who take feeling and conviction rather than fact and knowledge for their guides.” This personal testimony serves a rhetorical purpose: it positions her as a credible witness who has moved from error to truth. The language of sight and blindness recurs—she speaks of having her “blindness couched” and of seeing “for myself.” By foregrounding her own change of mind, Linton invites readers to replicate her journey, implying that the evidence she presents will similarly enlighten them. The structure is deliberately persuasive, not merely informative.
The Legal Landscape: Six Propositions as Counter-Evidence
Linton devotes considerable space to the legal protections she believes Irish tenants already enjoy. She reproduces six propositions from Mr. Montagu Crackanthorpe, Q.C., covering rent fixing, sale of tenancy, eviction rules, and compensation. Her tone is emphatic: these facts “ought to be learned by heart before anyone allows himself to talk of Home Rule.” She contrasts these legal realities with what she calls the “old cries” and “watch-words” of agitators. The excerpts show her marshalling statutory detail—rents can be judicially fixed, tenants can sell their interest, eviction requires non-payment of a year’s rent—to argue that the tenant is “the most protected, the most favoured of all leaseholders in Europe or America.” This section is dense with specific references to the Land Acts and court procedures.
Diction of Disgust: Calling Out the ‘Mischievous Little Word’
Linton’s vocabulary is often caustic. She attacks a Pall Mall Gazette letter signed “B.O'N.” as a “mischievous little word” that contradicts known facts. She accuses the American press under Irish Home Rule influence of “bolstering up a delusion by statements as far removed from the truth” as that letter. Her choice of nouns—“lies,” “falsehoods,” “appalling nonsense”—reveals a writer who sees the debate as a battle between truth and propaganda. She does not merely disagree; she imputes dishonesty. This combative register is consistent throughout the excerpts, giving the book the feel of a courtroom summation or a political pamphlet. Linton’s authorial voice is that of a disillusioned insider, using her own former credulity as a weapon against current believers.
The Plan of Campaign and the Landlord-Tenant Dynamic
Linton addresses the Plan of Campaign directly, describing it as a tactic born of “despair” but also as a “sadly natural retaliation” in her earlier view—a view she now rejects. She acknowledges the “undeniable crimes committed by the Campaigners” but insists that the legal framework has already addressed tenant grievances. Her argument hinges on the idea that agitation persists despite reform. She cites Professor Mahaffy’s letter to the New York Independent as evidence that American audiences are being misled. The excerpts do not reveal Linton’s full analysis of the Plan, but her method is clear: she juxtaposes the agitators’ claims with what she presents as objective legal fact, aiming to show that the campaign is based on outdated or false premises. Her tone is urgent, as if the stakes are immediate and political.
Linton’s About Ireland is best approached as a period polemic, not a balanced survey. Readers should note that her evidence is selective and her tone partisan. The book’s value lies in its vivid snapshot of late-Victorian Unionist argumentation, complete with legal citations and personal testimony. Those interested in the Irish question will find a forceful, if one-sided, articulation of the case against Home Rule, delivered in a voice that is by turns confessional and combative.
Reading Linton’s shift reminds me of sitting in my grandmother’s parlor, listening to her defend a cause she once loved before the facts turned her. The same ache surfaced with Explanatory Notes of a Pack of Cavalier Playing Cards, Temp. Charles II. Forming a Complete Political Satire of the Commonwealth — Background and Themes—how symbols harden into arguments, and loyalty becomes a quiet, lonely thing.
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