Old Boston Taverns and Tavern Clubs — Story, Setting & Ideas
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For Old Boston Taverns and Tavern Clubs — Story, Setting & Ideas, the stored edition analysis reports 30,854 words, 2 hr 15 min estimated reading time, and 4 detected text sections.
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Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Boston (Mass.) -- Social life and customs,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
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rren was much younger, far more impetuous and aggressive,--in short, he possessed all the more brilliant qualities for leadership which Adams lacked. Moreover, he was a fluent and effective speaker, of graceful person, handsome, affable, with frank and winning manners, all of which added no little to his popularity. Adams inspired respect, Warren confidence. As Adams himself said, he belonged to the "cabinet," while Warren's whole make-up as clearly marked him for the field.
In all the local events preliminary to our revolutionary struggle, this _Green Dragon_ section or junto constituted an active and positive force. It represented the muscle of the Revolution. Every member was sworn to secrecy, and of them all one only proved recreant to his oath.
These were the men who gave the alarm on the eve of the battle of Lexington, who spirited away cannon under General Gage's nose, and who in so many instances gallantly fought in the ranks of the republican army. Wanting a man whom he could fully trust, Warren early singled out Paul Revere for the most important services. He found him as true as steel. A peculiar kind of friendship seems to have sprung up between the two, owing, perhaps, to the same daring spirit common to both. So when Warren sent word to Revere that he must instantly ride to Lexington or all would be lost, he knew that, if it lay in the power of man to do it, the thing would be done.
Besides the more noted of the tavern clubs there were numerous private coteries, some exclusively composed of politicians, others more resembling our modern debating societies than anything else. These clubs usually met at the houses of the members themselves, so exerting a silent influence on the body politic. The non-importation agreement originated at a private club in 1773. But all were not on the patriot side. The crown had equally zealous supporters, who met and talked the situation over without any of the secrecy which prudence counselled the other side to use in regard to their proceedings. Some associations endeavored to hold the balance between the factions by standing neutral. They deprecated the encroachments of the mother-country, but favored passive obedience. Dryden has described them:
"Not Whigs nor Tories they, nor this nor that, Nor birds nor beasts, but just a kind of bat,-- A twilight animal, true to neither cause, With Tory wings but Whiggish teeth and claws."
It should be mentioned that Gridley, the father of the Boston Bar, undertook, in 1765, to organize a law club, with the purpose of making head against Otis, Thatcher, and Auchmuty. John Adams and Fitch were Gridley's best men. They met first at Ballard's, and subsequently at each other's chambers; their "sodality," as they called it, being for professional study and advancement. Gridley, it appears, was a little jealous of his old pupil, Otis, who had beaten him in the famous argument on the Writs of Assistance. Mention is also made of a club of which Daniel Leonard (_Massachusettensis_), John Lowell, Elisha Hutchinson, Frank Dana, and Josiah Quincy were members. Similar clubs also existed in most of the principal towns in New England.
The =Sons of Liberty= adopted the name given by Colonel Barré to the enemies of passive obedience in America. They met in the counting-room of Chase and Speakman's distillery, near Liberty Tree.[3] Mackintosh, the man who led the mob in the Stamp Act riots, is doubtless the same person who assisted in throwing the tea overboard. We hear no more of him after this. The "Sons" were an eminently democratic organization, as few except mechanics were members. Among them were men like Avery, Crafts, and Edes the printer. All attained more or less prominence. Edes continued to print the _Boston Gazette_ long after the Revolution. During Bernard's administration he was offered the whole of the government printing, if he would stop his opposition to the measures of the crown. He refused the bribe, and his paper was the only one printed in America without a stamp, in direct violation of an Act of Parliament. The "Sons" pursued their measures with such vigor as to create much alarm among the loyalists, on whom the Stamp Act riots had made a lasting impression. Samuel Adams is thought to have influenced their proceedings more than any other of the leaders. It was by no means a league of ascetics, who had resolved to mortify the flesh, as punch and tobacco were liberally used to stimulate the deliberations.
Drake begins not with a single tavern but with a broad claim: the tavern was an institution as central as church or town hall. The opening chapter, “Upon the Tavern as an Institution,” sets a tone of serious social history, quoting Louis XIV to suggest that taverns dissolved boundaries. This framing prepares readers for a work that treats drinking houses as political and economic hubs, not mere curiosities.
The excerpts show a book built from property records, wills, and society minutes. Drake moves from general argument to specific cases: the Green Dragon’s named chambers (Cross Keys, Anchor, Castle) and the Golden Ball’s chain of owners from Edward Tyng to Henry Deering. The evidence is documentary, not anecdotal, and the reader should expect dense references to deeds and manumissions.
From Institution to Address Book
The first chapter argues for the tavern’s institutional role, but the later excerpts reveal a different method. Drake shifts from argument to inventory: the Green Dragon’s history is traced through a fire in 1690, the rebuilding by Stoughton, and the succession of landlords like Abraham Smith. The Golden Ball section reads like a property title chain, naming Edward Tyng, Theodore Atkinson, Henry Deering, and Samuel Tyley. The book’s structure mirrors this shift—from a general essay to a series of building biographies. Readers should note that the opening’s broad claims are supported not by synthesis but by accumulated local records. The tavern as an idea gives way to the tavern as a plot of land with a sign and a license.
Named Rooms and Their Societies
A striking detail in the Green Dragon account is the naming of chambers: the Cross Keys, Anchor, Castle, Sun, and Rose. These were not just decoration; the Cross Keys housed the Scots Charitable Society, whose officers each kept a key to the money box. This concrete link between a room name and a club’s ritual is the kind of evidence Drake prizes. The same method appears in the Golden Ball section, where the sign itself becomes a relic—the original sign of the Bunch of Grapes and the Golden Ball are illustrated, and the Golden Ball sign is noted as being in the possession of the Bostonian Society. The book treats signs and room names as primary sources, not folklore.
Women, Widows, and Manumission
Drake’s sources occasionally reveal social history beyond taverns. When Abraham Smith died in 1696, his widow Mary Smith took over the Green Dragon. Her will freed two enslaved women, Sue and Maria, with deeds recorded in the Suffolk Deeds. This detail appears without commentary, but it shows how tavern records intersect with broader histories of gender and slavery. Similarly, the Golden Ball passed to Henry Deering’s daughter Mary Wilson, who devised it to a namesake. The book does not foreground these stories, but they surface in the property transfers. A reader attentive to such moments will find hints of women’s economic roles and the gradual manumission of enslaved people in Boston.
Maps, Plans, and the Shape of the Town
The book’s apparatus is as revealing as its text. The foreword thanks the Bostonian Society and lists works by Snow, Stark, and Porter. The illustrations include maps (Bonner’s Map of Boston, 1722), plans of Cole’s Inn, and photographs of signs. The appendix lists taverns and owners, drawing on Miss Thwing’s manuscript “The Inhabitants and Estates of the Town of Boston, 1630-1800.” This apparatus signals that Drake’s book is part of a larger documentary project. The reader should consult the maps and list alongside the chapters: the location of the Golden Ball at the south corner of Faneuil Hall Square, for instance, is clarified by a plan of the Corn Market. The book is as much a reference work as a narrative.
Drake’s method rewards a reader who moves between text and apparatus. The opening chapter provides a thesis; the later sections test it against deeds, fires, and signboards. The names of landlords and the dates of licenses matter more than atmosphere. To read this book well, treat each tavern as a case study in property and politics, and watch for the moments when a will or a society minute opens a window onto Boston’s social structure. The illustrations and appendix are not decorations but evidence.
There’s a particular ache in reading how the Green Dragon passed through so many hands, each fire and deed a small erasure. It made me think of Carlyle’s Frederick, another world of vanished certainties and stubborn legacies. Both feel like sitting in a lamplit room, watching old maps crease at the folds. History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 13 — Story, Setting & Ideas holds a similar quiet weight, if you ever wander that way.
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