The Anglo-Saxon Century and the Unification of the English-Speaking People — Inside the Classic

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In Category - Modern Nations
Dos Passos, John R. (John Randolph), 1844-1917 Project Gutenberg 2014 Not confirmed
United States -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- United States; Anglo-Saxon race Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 67,994
Reading time 296 min
Text sections 7

The Anglo-Saxon Century and the Unification of the English-Speaking People — Inside the Classic can be approached with a clearer sense of reading commitment from its source measurements: 67,994 words, 4 hr 56 min estimated reading time, and 7 detected text sections.

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This 1903 political treatise by John R. Dos Passos argues for an Anglo-American alliance based on shared history, language, and institutions, using detailed comparisons of legal and constitutional development from Alfred to Magna Carta.
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he did not seek the rank of an international power; it was evolved out of a confluence of natural conditions. She can no more cast it off than can our bodies the food of which we have partaken after it has entered into our organisms. If history teaches any lesson, it is that nations, like individuals, follow the law of their being; that in their growth and in their decline they are creatures of conditions, in which even their own volition plays but a part, and that often the smallest part.

II.--THE EFFECT OF THE WAR IN AFRICA UPON THE RELATIONS AND POWER OF ENGLAND

It has been boastingly said by her enemies, and reluctantly acknowledged by some of her friends, that England has entered upon her decline, and that a decay has set in which will destroy her power and prestige. There is nothing more absurd than this assertion. The same statements were circulated in reference to her at various periods of her past history--notably at the close of the Revolutionary War. Look into her history at that time; consult the contemporaneous writers, and we shall find them replete with gloomy and direful predictions. And yet how she gathered herself together; and in a few years how resplendent she was in military and civic glory! Her political edifice cannot be destroyed so long as reason holds its sway, because it is built upon the solid foundations of true civil liberty, which it is the aim of all people to establish and conserve. Show me anyone, not actuated by pure bigotry, who would deliberately and maliciously wish to demolish such a government!

When men band themselves together in a revolutionary purpose, it is to destroy tyranny and oppression. They do not begin revolutions with edicts against liberty and free government.

England will decline, if ever she declines, when men assail order and law, and seek to erect in their stead, as a basis of government, chaos and confusion. Her literature can never be destroyed; it will enlighten the world long after her government {6} ceases to be. It will be the basis of a new civilisation long, long after her people cease to act together. I will not weary the reader with statistics of her material growth. They show no real, permanent decline; but they do reveal that she has fierce commercial competitors in the United States and Germany. They show that she must arouse herself to a real struggle to support her people. But no matter how this war for commercial supremacy may end, we must remember that the real greatness of a nation, or people, does not wholly consist in mere material wealth. We of North America are overlooking this important fact in our sudden and marvellous development. We are to-day, and not without some truth, called a purely "dollar nation." Our people are struggling for money, as if that were the only desideratum of life. We forget that religion, in its broad sense, liberty, justice, equality, and virtue are more important than money; they are the chains of steel which bind a free people together; mere wealth without these qualities has no preserving power: and if we lose our institutions, in their form or in their spirit, of what use will money be to us, or how will it be protected? The acquisition of wealth is legitimate, but it must not be the sole aim of the people, else they will forget their duties as citizens; and should that time come, and chaos and revolution ensue, of what use will material advantages be, even if they should survive the loss of freedom?

Remember that a government based upon gold, {7} wealth, sordidness, must end unhappily. We must have other and higher ideals for our people.

John R. Dos Passos, writing in 1903, frames his argument for Anglo-American unification around a detailed historical analysis of English legal and political institutions. The book's table of contents reveals a systematic structure: it begins with contemporary events (the Spanish-American War and the Boer War), then traces the 'origin and form of the suggested alliance,' and devotes substantial space to 'inherent natural reasons' such as language, literature, laws, and religious thought. The excerpts show that Dos Passos treats Magna Carta as a 'constitution' comparable to the U.S. Constitution, drawing explicit parallels in a numbered list. This legalistic approach, combined with the author's background as a New York bar member, suggests the work is less a popular appeal than a lawyerly brief for political union.

A Lawyer's Historical Method

Dos Passos structures his argument like a legal case. The analysis chapter lists epochs from 'the introduction of Christianity into England' to 'the independence of the colonies,' each treated as precedent. In the Magna Carta discussion, he uses numbered points—'First,' 'Second,' 'Third,' 'Fourth'—to compare the charter's parties, form, rights, and legislative provisions with the U.S. Constitution. This method reflects his professional identity: the title page notes he is 'of the New York Bar' and author of legal works on stock exchanges and interstate commerce. The excerpts do not reveal whether he addresses counterarguments or acknowledges differences between English and American governance, but the tone is that of an advocate compiling evidence.

Shared Institutions as Unifying Forces

The catalog subject 'Anglo-Saxon race' appears in the title, but the excerpts emphasize institutional rather than racial bonds. Dos Passos highlights 'the same language,' 'the same literature,' 'the same political institutions,' 'the same laws, legal customs, and general modes of judicial procedure,' and 'the same tendency and methods of religious thought and worship.' He also notes intermarriage and similarities in drama, sports, and pastimes. The Magna Carta passage explicitly calls it a 'constitution' and draws a parallel to the U.S. Constitution's preamble. This suggests Dos Passos sees legal continuity as the core of Anglo-Saxon unity, not biological descent. The excerpts do not show how he handles the American Revolution or other historical ruptures.

The Role of Alfred and the Norman Conquest

Dos Passos traces English liberties back to King Alfred, claiming that under him 'a substantial government existed' with executive, legislative, and judicial departments. He asserts that Alfred's free institutions 'survived under the Norman tyranny or conquest' and that William made 'no substantial change in law or custom.' This narrative of unbroken legal tradition is central to his argument for a natural alliance. The excerpts do not reveal whether he addresses the feudal transformations or the development of common law after the Conquest. The claim that Magna Carta was 'discussed and agreed to in a single day' suggests a dramatized view of history, but without the full text, the accuracy of such assertions cannot be verified.

Readers should note that this book is a product of its time—1903, before World War I reshaped global alliances. Dos Passos writes as a lawyer building a case, not as a historian weighing evidence. The excerpts show a selective use of history to support a political goal. Those interested in early twentieth-century arguments for Anglo-American unity will find a clear example here, but the book's claims about legal continuity should be read critically, especially given the absence of dissenting voices in the available material.

There’s something poignant in that old 1903 argument for a shared Anglo-American destiny—so confident, so earnest. Reading it now, I find myself thinking of another court’s certainties, the glittering absolutes of Versailles soon to dissolve. That world rests quietly beside this one in my mind, like two faded photographs. It made me pull down the Memoirs of Louis XIV and His Court and of the Regency — Volume 03 — Background and Themes, just to sit with its measured, regretful tone a while.

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